"It is very largely our fault
that Bolshevism has spread as it has and I do not believe we will be found
guiltless of the thousands of lives uselessly and cruelly sacrificed in wild
orgies of bloodshed to establish an autocratic and despotic rule of
principles which have been rejected by every generation of mankind which has
dabbled with them." .. Captain Montgomery
Schuyler, American Expeditionary Forces Siberia, Intelligence Section
From Ken Adachi <Editor>
http://educate-yourself.org/cn/captshuylertocolbarrows01mar19.shtml
March 1, 1919
This is the complete text of an intelligence report
sent on March 1, 1919 by American Army
Captain Montgomery Schuyler (stationed in Omsk, Siberia) to
Lt. Colonel Barrows, his commanding officer located in
Vladivostok. They were part of the American Expeditionary Force sent to
Siberia in August and September of 1918 in the wake of the Russian
Revolution of October 1917. While many web sites that cater to Jew baiting
have re-posted a single sentence from Schuyler's report that implicated
Russian Jews as being heavily involved in fomenting the Bolshevik takeover,
the full report reveals much more about the hidden hand of American
(Eastern Establishment) elites who were supporting the Bolshevik side while
the U.S. government was ostensibly favoring the counter-revolutionary white
forces of the
Omsk government of
Admiral Kolchak.. At the time the report
was written, Capt. Schuyler had hoped that Admiral Kolchak might gain the
upper hand over the Bolsheviks, but laments that hidden American power
interests are promoting the Bolsheviks towards victory with far more
determination than the Russian peasant. I obtained
a pdf scan of the original report
from
www.americandeception.com, a valuable web
site mentioned in an
article by Charlotte Iserbyt posted at
www.rense.com.I highlighted in bold
those passages which most reveal the implication of Zionists and their
Rothchild/Rockefeller/Morgan overlords in fueling the communist takeover of
Russia. Click the page numbers below the thumbnails to see a full page scan
of the original 3 page report. ..Ken Adachi
The
link for the pdf file

Page 1
Page 2
Page 3
.[handwritten across top of page:]
383.9 Mil. Int. Report, Schuyler
In reply please
refer to No _______
[stamped]
DECLASSIFIED
DoD Dlr. 5200.9 Sept . 27, 1958
NWR by [signature] Date 8-17-60
PERSONAL AND
CONFIDENTIAL
WAR DEPARTMENT
AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES. SIBERIA .
OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF
INTELLIGENCE SECTION
My dear Colonel Barrows :
March 1, 1919 .
I have just received your letter of
January 29th, forwarded by Baron Hoven of General Romanovsky's staff, who has
just arrived in Omsk, I was of course much interested in your news, as I had
been unable to find anything about the movements of our officers or as to
myself.
I was afraid that I should be
stranded in Omsk for some little time even if the others got away and although
I want to get home:just as soon as possible for urgent personal business
reasons, I realize that I am of more use here than possibly anywhere else.
This work, however, is so familiar to me as this is the fifth revolution I
have watched in the pains of birth, that I must confess it has lost its charm
of novelty.
I have not attempted to write you
anything concerning the situation here in Omsk as I :have felt that conditions
here were so fluid that what I wrote would be valueless when received by you.
Lieutenant Cushing is preparing a sort of weekly report which he will send in
in his own name and which will suffice for us both for the present. My
telegrams have been perhaps more numerous than you desired and some of the
subjects mentioned may not interest our expedition in the least. This I was
aware of when sending them, but I felt it was better to err on the side of
fullness than the other way. I am strictly obeying my orders to keep out of
local affairs and avoid giving advice, but I must say that it is very hard not
to jump in and manage this government entirely.
The problems which the Omsk
government has to face are not at all intrinsically different from those which
prevail in every movement of the kind known to history, but the
besetting problem in this instance is that Admiral Kolchak has to work with
the materials available for his purposes, namely the Russian people of today,
who are so thoroughly disorganized and lifeless as a result of the last three
years , that they are unable even to think for themselves far less govern
themselves.
In the first place, the coup of
Admiral Kolchak's friends whereby he assumed the role of Supreme Governor was
absolutely necessary if the whole of Siberia was not to fall ripe into the
hands of the Bolsheviks. That visionary set of impractical theorists with whom
I spent an evening in a railroad car at a Manchurian station -Messrs
Avksentiev [former Minister of Interior in the Kerensky Cabinet] and company-
were far worse than out and out anarchists, for they were weak dreamers who
could not even maintain the ordinary police security necessary to life in any
community. Crime was rife in the streets of Omsk, murders and hold ups were of
nightly occurrence in this city on the [?] streets and the Bolshevik city
governments throughout Siberia were running things their own way just as they
are in Vladivostok today.
It is of course difficult to legalize
Admiral Kolchak's position, in fact it is impossible, for while it was done by
the decree of the so called government of the time, it was simply a coup
d'etat. His status however is as good according to Russian law as that of any
of the revolutionary governments which preceded him.
In the beginning and of necessity his
acts for the restoration of order were autocratic; he depended on the support
of the army and the officers especially, and he put down local disorder with a
high hand. ..
[page 2]
Ever since then however, he has shown
himself in so far as he could safely do so, more and more liberal, and I have
no hesitation is saying that I firmly believe that his own opinions and frame
of mind are far more liberal than the outside world gives him credit for. He
is unfortunate in this that he has had to depend upon the mailed fist to
maintain his position and to keep his government from being overridden by the
Bolshevik elements which are numerous in every city in Siberia.
It is probably unwise to say
this loudly in the United, States, but the Bolshevik movement is and has been
since its beginning guided and controlled by Russian Jews of the greasiest
type, who have been in the United States and there absorbed every one of the
worst phases of our civilization without having the least understanding of
what we really mean by liberty. (I do not mean the use of the word liberty
which has been so widespread in the United States since the war began, but
the real word spelt the same way), and the real Russian realizes this and
suspects that Americans think as do the loathsome specimens with whom he now
comes in contact. I have heard all sorts of estimates as to the real
proportion of Bolsheviks to that of the population of Siberia and I think the
most accurate is that of General Ivanov-Rinov who estimates it as two per
cent. There is hardly a peasant this side of the Urals who has the slightest
interest in the Bolshevik or his doings except in so far as it concerns the
loss of his own property and, in fact, his point of view is very much like
that of our own respectable farmers, when confronted with the I [?] ideal.
Unfortunately, a few of our people in
the United States, especially those with good lungs, seem to think that the
Bolsheviks are as deserving of a hearing as any real political party with us.
This is what the Russian cannot understand and I must say that without being
thought one sided, I should not hesitate to shoot without trial if I had the
power, any persons who admitted for one moment that they were Bolsheviks. I
would just as soon see a mad dog running about a lot of children.
You will think I am hot about
this matter but it is, I feel sure, one which is going to bring great trouble
on the United States when the judgment of history, as all be recorded on the
part we have played . It is very largely our fault that Bolshevism has spread
as it has and I do not believe we will be found guiltless of the thousands of
lives uselessly and cruelly sacrificed in wild orgies of bloodshed to
establish an autocratic and despotic rule of principles which have been
rejected by every generation of mankind which has dabbled with them.
There have been times during the past
month when I have been afraid that the Kolchak government would not last
until the next morning. I have had I suspect, the closest connection with the
leaders here of any foreigner in Omsk and my sources of information are so
many and so varied that I am pretty sure to hear the different points of view
on every imaginable question. The announcement of the Princes's Island
conference with Bolsheviks came as a clap of thunder to the government, in
fact it so took the wind out of their sails, that I believe they would have
thrown up the government and run away if it had not been for [page 3] timely
and cool headed advice which they received. Then the news became more widely
known there was a fairly strong reactionary movement started by Cossack
officers and adherents of the old regime. This was discovered and allowed to
die a natural death with very good results. With the failure of the Princes
Island conference, the government began to get back a little of the strength
it had lost and today I believe it will hold on for some time,.
provided it does not get another series of hard knocks from the Allies or the
United States.
The very clever and most unscrupulous
Japanese propaganda which has been carried on here is one of the most
interesting I have ever seen carried out by that country. The way the Japanese
took over Korea and we made a scrap of paper of our solemn treaty with that
poor little miserable people was child's play to the present methods of
procedure in regard to K_x Siberia. Admiral Kolchak hates the Japanese, the
latter naturally are not unaware of that feeling and cordially reciprocate it
and the combination of their propaganda with that of the Bolsheviks in the
United States and elsewhere is very powerful. I can understand how people who
know nothing of our foreign relations or of the Russian people can be carried
off their feet by it, but how responsible men can listen to it I do not know.
If the feelings of the Russian people are to be consulted and the future of
their own country is to be in their hands, there will be no Bolshevik future
for this land. They have submitted to it first, from the very good reason that
they did not know how to go about fighting it and second, because it came at
the psychological moment when the morale of the people had been so shaken that
they were ready to endure anything in order to be allowed to be let alone.
The scheme now being worked out for a
popular assembly for all parts of Siberia will, I am sure, be of service and
even if only partially successful-and I do not see at present how it can be
more-will do much towards proving the sincerity of Kolchak in his promises.
Please do not get the idea that I am
enthusiastically in favor of the present government , that I consider it ideal
or even good, for it is not; but I do consider that it has already united more
varied and more numerous elements of the Russian people than any other
government which might take its place would do. The question of the moment is
not an ideal government but one that will last for the next few weeks and will
restore order enough so that any elections may have a fair chance of being
carried out without force and fraud and graft.
Personally, I am fairly comfortable
here; Cushing and I have each a room requisitioned by the government and it
will be impossible to carry out the recommendations made by the Adjutant in a
recent telegram because there are no rooms to be had and we have had
applications for two months already. With kind regards to all friends,
I am, Very sincerely yours,
[signed:]
Lt. Col.
Barrows,
Montgomery Schulyer
Vladivostok
Captain, USA